Marshall Steinbaum has published a
sort of review of NancyMacLean's Democracy in Chains in
which describes “the racist origins of Public Choice theory” and suggests
that everyone should read Democracy in Chains “despite its rhetorical
shortcomings.”
Steinbaum seems to unquestioningly accept MacLean’s claim that
Buchanan’s “study of how government officials make decisions became “public
choice economics.”” (MacLean xxiii) In making public choice theory and
Buchanan's though synonymous, Steinbaum and MacLean strip public choice of all
context other than that related to Buchanan. Buchanan, however, was only one of
a number of people attempting to apply economic methods (rational choice and
models) to the analysis of both politics and political philosophy. Duncan
Black’s work was published before Buchanan, and Ken Arrow, William Riker,
Vincent Ostrom, Amartya Sen and others were working on this approach in the 1950s and 1960s at the
same time as Buchanan. To the best of my knowledge, none of them appear
in Democracy in Chains. They are not listed in the index. The point is that there were a lot of people interested in applying
the economic approach to politics. Many of them did not have the same normative
preferences as Buchanan. It is this broader approach to public choice that
you will find in Mueller’s
text on the subject. It is even what you will find here at the Library
of Economics and Liberty. Public choice is more than James Buchanan.
By the way, this is more of a defense of public choice
theory than it is of Buchanan,Virginia, or UVA. The University of Virginia was
an avowedly racist and sexist place in the '50s and '60s? UVA was both all
white and all male (until the 1970s). To the best of my knowledge neither
Buchanan or anyone of his colleagues at the time made any effort to change
that. Of course that could be said of most of the men at UVA and a lot of other
universities at the time. The liberty they were most concerned with seemed to
be the liberty of men like themselves.
I'll also say that I have no intention of reading the whole
book. If you want to say I have no right to criticize it until I have read the
whole thing, go ahead. I don’t care. I don’t have enough time to waste on
historians that I do not trust. This is particularly true for a subject that I
do not regard as my area of expertise. If it is nineteenth or early twentieth
century American economic history I can quickly identify inconsistencies and
errors, but for other topics I need to have some faith in the historian. For me
the bottom line on MacLean’s book is still that there are numerous instances
where she did not honestly represent her sources. Misrepresenting your sources
is more than a rhetorical shortcoming.
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